It does not make sense to invest more Arab resources in an American alliance | US-Israel war against Iran

For decades, Gulf states operated under the assumption that their most important strategic partner was the United States. They built an extensive and multidimensional partnership with Washington, one that spanned security, energy, finance and diplomacy.

However, in starting its war with Israel against Iran, the US sidelined its Gulf partners and ignored their appeals and concerns. Now, as the Trump administration tries to negotiate with Iran, it once again appears to have the interests of Israel as its top priority; the concerns of its Arab allies are once again being overlooked.

No matter how much these countries have done or how much more they are willing to offer, their interests will remain expendable in Washington when they collide with Israel’s.

An alliance of stability

Few alliances in modern history have been as deep or as mutually reinforcing as the one between the Gulf and the US, with Gulf countries effectively opening their territory to an almost unconditional US military presence. Trade between the two sides exceeds $120 billion in 2024, supported by Gulf investments in the US economy. This has been matched by a significant US presence in the Gulf markets across technology, energy and infrastructure.

The extent of this interdependence was further highlighted at the 2025 summit in Riyadh, which produced trade and investment agreements exceeding $2 trillion. In the same year, Gulf sovereign wealth funds channeled nearly $70 billion into the US assets.

Beyond headline figures, the Gulf has played a long-standing role in financing the US by recycling its Treasury bonds, helping to maintain low borrowing costs and strengthening the dollar’s global dominance, while supporting hundreds of thousands of US jobs in the manufacturing, defense and technology sectors.

In return, Gulf governments expected something fundamental, that their core interests would be recognized, if not prioritized.

These interests were remarkably aligned with American policy. They can be distilled into three pillars: first, economic diversification, a strategic shift away from dependence on hydrocarbons towards sustainable and resilient economic models; second, regional stability, a prerequisite for attracting investment, enabling growth and sustaining long-term development; third, energy security, the uninterrupted flow of oil and gas, which has been a pillar of global economic stability.

In pursuit of these goals, Gulf states have invested heavily—financially and politically—in building a more stable regional order, actively pursuing diplomacy over confrontation. For example, Saudi Arabia has moved to end the war in Yemen, opened channels with Iran and Turkey, and deepened ties with countries such as Pakistan. These steps were not tactical gestures; they were part of a broader strategy to build a flexible, collaborative regional architecture.

It all seemed to overlap with American interests. Washington has long claimed that its priorities in the Middle East include securing energy supply chains, stabilizing oil markets and ensuring regional stability so it can pivot to Asia. And yet the Trump administration chose to go against what it claimed to stand for.

Choose chaos over stability

By now, it is clear that Washington has chosen to support Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s agenda of pursuing regional instability and dominance.

By choosing to advance Netanyahu’s expansionist goals, even at the expense of its own interests, Washington has effectively put the Straits of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandeb – the world’s most critical energy choke points – at risk, exposing global oil and gas markets to extreme volatility.

These US choices have thrown the entire region, with the Gulf states at the forefront, into a state of chaos. We will likely live with its aftershocks for years to come, driven by the fears of all states and exacerbated by growing power imbalances.

Here, the Gulf and Arab states must recognize a fundamental reality: there can be no sustainable regional stability built on dependence on the US. Americans are not the sons of this country nor of this region. Regardless of how much the international system develops, and the world becomes interconnected through globalization and technological change, geography and demography will remain decisive in the formation of interests. A force located thousands of kilometers away, rooted in a different demographic and geographic reality, cannot be relied upon to defend Arab interests.

Still, some states continue to hedge their bets on a “special relationship” with the US, turning their backs on unity. For example, the United Arab Emirates recently decided to leave OPEC, which has long given oil-producing Arab states leverage over the US and the rest of the world. This move indicates withdrawal rather than deepening cooperation and working through disputes. In the short term it may seem like the right decision to preserve national interest, but in the long term it plays into the hands of those who want to divide and rule the Arab world – something that is ultimately not in the Emirati’s interest.

Instead of investing more resources in an alliance with Washington, Arab states should focus on intra-regional development aimed at economic, security and military self-sufficiency, similar to the Turkish and Iranian projects. They should focus on internal dialogue and greater cohesion and pursue a broader strategic framework that ensures power balances based on political partnership and constructive competition, rather than relying on external patrons.

The opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial position.